We publish below an interview by the Czech antimilitarist group Dezerter with the Russian group KRAS. We do so to provide information about the situation in Russia, and the movement against war there.
1) Greetings to Russia. Please give our readers a brief introduction to your local syndicalist organisation and the International Workers Association.
Greetings, comrades! We in the KRAS, Confederation of Revolutionary Anarcho-Syndicalists, see ourselves as a small initiative group from which, we hope, in the future an anarchist workers’ union could grow, capable of waging practical struggle in the workplace. As an organisation, we have existed since the mid-1990s. Over the years, we have actively supported strikes and social protests in various industries and professions, trying to give the movement a self-organised character. In particular, we held solidarity actions with the strikers, collected funds, and conducted information campaigns. Not limiting ourselves to issues of economic struggle, we also took part in other social protests, including protests against the wars in Chechnya, against gentrification of cities, against pension reform, against the destruction of public health care, education, and so on. At the international level we are part of the anarcho-syndicalist International, the International Workers Association (IWA-AIT), which sees itself as a continuation of the federalist wing of the First International, revived in 1922. It is an international association of anarcho-syndicalist trade unions, whose sections operate in many countries of Europe, America, Asia and Australia.
2)Our magazine is anti-militarist, how about you, your organisation and the International? How do you perceive antimilitarism and how would you explain it to an ordinary Russian or Ukrainian worker?
Anarcho-syndicalism has always been anti-militarist from the very beginning. This has been confirmed in the resolutions of many IWA congresses and in the many anti-war actions in which sections of the International have participated throughout its history. It is very important to note that anarcho-syndicalists have condemned and continue to condemn militarism from all sides, whether it is the militarism of capitalist or so-called “socialist” states or the so-called “national liberation” movements. Our organisation also takes a consistently anti-militarist position. We are against any wars and armies, and adhere to the simple idea of “no war except class war”. In fact, this is precisely what we focus on in our agitation. We try to explain that wars serve the interests of the ruling classes and the state apparatus, while the working people gain nothing and only suffer from them. Moreover, they suffer not only because the workers are forced to kill people like themselves and die for the interests of others, the interests of power and profit, but also because war brings economic hardship and ruin to ordinary workers in the rear.
3)Your analyses predicted an escalation of the conflict in eastern Ukraine and the outbreak of war. What changed for you and ordinary Russian workers after the outbreak of war?
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has been going on since 2014. It is based on the desire of the ruling classes of both countries to redivide the territories and property of the former “Soviet Union” as a single capitalist corporation, which they already divided in 1991, as well as on the interests of the ruling classes of the great world powers, including the United States, the European Union states and China. On the one hand, the contradictions gradually escalated, which is in principle inevitable at the current stage of capitalism’s existence, and this potentially always leads to war. On the other hand, it could not be ruled out that the parties would reach an agreement this particular time, as had happened in the past. We hoped that the escalation into a large-scale war, which broke out in 2022, would still be avoided. At least that everything would not explode this time. But events began to develop according to the worst-case scenario.
With the outbreak of large-scale war, the situation for us and for the working classes as a whole worsened dramatically. The authoritarian neoliberal regime ruling in Russia has always been extremely repressive, but now, in the context of war, these repressions have taken on massive proportions. Under the pretext of war, a large-scale “tightening of the screws” is taking place. New laws that have been adopted and continue to be adopted and tightened have essentially abolished civil liberties. There is no possibility to freely express one’s opinion; rallies and other protest actions are not allowed. Critical statements about the war or the government’s policies can lead to many years in prison. In addition, there is a practice of declaring critics of the regime “foreign agents”, which also means that they are denied access to work in the education sector and public institutions.
The practice of denunciations is widespread. The anti-migrant campaign and the campaign against women’s rights are gaining momentum. The ideology is set on a course towards nationalistic and clerical obscurantism. Of course, in such conditions, our organisation was forced to stop open, public and street actions. But we continue the explanatory and agitational campaign for self-organisation of working people, for social and personal emancipation, including trying to explain in whose interests this war is being waged and what the historical practice of anti-military resistance is.
4) How did the social situation change after the outbreak of war?
The wars that states wage among themselves always turn out to be on the “internal front” the wars of the ruling class against the exploited working people and the “social weak” people. War always costs money, and this money comes from the pockets of workers and “socially vulnerable” people. It is not known exactly how much Russia is spending on its armed conflict with Ukraine. Various sources quote figures ranging from $500 million to $1 billion per day, although it is unclear whether these figures can be trusted. Regardless, these are huge expenses. Therefore, the state sharply increases military spending and cuts spending on social needs. If in 2015-2021, on average 28% of budget expenditures were spent on social policy, then in the 2025 budget, expenditures on social policy amount to only 16%. At the same time, the share of official military spending exceeds spending on social policy, healthcare, education and the economy combined. Prices are rising rapidly. The so-called “inflation for the poor” (which takes into account food products, medicines, cleaning products, transport and communication services, and housing and communal services) reached 16% in 2024. Prices for some food products have increased several times.
It is becoming increasingly difficult for poor people to survive. It is enough to mention that 34% of Russian residents experience difficulties in purchasing the medications they need (while 54% of them directly say that the reason is a lack of money). 35% of the average family’s expenses go towards food. In 2024, only 37% of families had enough money for everything they needed, except for a car and real estate.
Taking advantage of the military situation, entrepreneurs have increased pressure on workers. There have been cases where labor activists and strikers have been accused of anti-state actions and undermining the war effort. War is a great excuse for “optimisation”. The share of companies planning layoffs has grown from 7% in January of this year to 11.5% in June.
Strikes do occur, however. People demand payment of wage arrears or better working conditions. There are also social protests due to the poor state of infrastructure, which has not received the necessary investment for years.
5) Many Russian workers support Putin’s war campaign, others are silent. What is the real situation? Why is this and how is it changing over time? If it has changed?
Russian society has been divided since the beginning of the armed conflict, although it is quite difficult to assess the real ratio of supporters and opponents of the war. Official poll figures in the current conditions do not inspire much confidence: people often simply do not dare to answer honestly. And some polls that record the percentage of those who refuse to answer questions at all show that such people are the overwhelming majority.
However, even opinion polls that, at first glance, show a predominance of those who approve of the current government while responding, – even these polls show that the number of those who support an end warfare is very high. For example, in February of this year, 59% of respondents said that peace talks should now be held rather than military action continued. The number of those in favour of continuing military action was 31%.
If we talk about subjective feelings, then we have the impression that, although most people perceive this war as something routine (as, for example, in Soviet times they perceived the war in Afghanistan), they have long been tired of this routine and would like to see the conflict end.
But, of course, there is a huge distance between such fatigue and any active actions.
Here we should take into account the enormous social passivity in post-Soviet societies (and Russia is no exception, just like Ukraine). People are not happy with the situation, but they do not believe in the possibility of changing anything through collective action. Everyone tries to solve their problems alone. From our point of view, this is the result of both the frustration of hopes during the so-called “Perestroika” period, and the general social atomisation and egoisation that resulted from the “market reforms”. This is a deep trauma, which is not easy or simple to overcome.
6) We have traced from various sources that at least 50,000 men have deserted the Russian army? Are those numbers real or are they underestimated?
The recently deceased German pacifist Rudi Friedrich, whose organisation «Connection» helps
war objectors and deserters around the world, said earlier this year that according to his data, about 250,000 conscripts who did not want to fight in the war left Russia during the conflict. In the same period, 300,000 conscripts left Ukraine. Of course, this is not collective resistance, but individual, but it is also extremely important and significant.
7) How does the Russian army recruit men? There is a violent mobilisation in Ukraine where people are being hunted like animals in the street. Is this also happening in Russia?
In Russia, there are universal conscription for men from 18 to 30 year old. The term of military service is 1 year. In addition, the authorities announced additional mobilisation in the fall of 2022. Now it is effectively limited, although not cancelled. At the same time, the so-called “voluntary recruitment” into the army is expanding through the so-called “contract service”. A man can sign a contract with the military department, according to which he serves in the army for a fairly large reward. This reward is so large by Russian standards that many people enlist in the army to pay off loans, mortgages, debts, or simply to provide for their families. In addition, prisoners are recruited into the army on the condition that they receive forgiveness for their crimes.
Recently, the authorities have been trying to send to the front, first of all, such “contract soldiers”.
Probably to avoid such widespread indignation over forced mobilisation as in Ukraine. However, in practice, signing a contract is far from always a “voluntary” matter. Relatives of military personnel have repeatedly complained that soldiers called up for regular military service were often forced to sign a contract while still in the army, after which they were sent to the front.
As for the hunt for people, it has not yet reached the same scale as in Ukraine. The authorities have tightened penalties for draft dodgers. A unified electronic system of accounting and control is being introduced. From time to time, raids are conducted to find draft dodgers. Such actions may include checking documents on the street, in the metro or other public places, serving summonses on the spot and raids on places of residence (hostels, rented apartments, warehouses and dormitories), in gyms, etc. It should be noted that the favourite victims of such raids are also migrants who have received Russian citizenship.
8) Does the Russian government respect the conscientious objection to refuse to join the army guaranteed by the human rights charter? In Ukraine they simply ‘democratically’ abolished it in violation of international law.
Officially, in Russia there is the possibility of so-called “alternative civilian service”. A conscript has the right to undergo alternative civilian service instead of military service only in two cases – if military service is contrary to his beliefs and religion, or if he is a representative of an indigenous minority and leads a traditional way of life. In this case, the conscript must justify “his views, beliefs and moral principles”, the Defense Ministry website says. The decision on whether a conscript can undergo alternative service or refuse him such an opportunity is made by the draft board. If approved, he is sent to work either in civilian positions in the army for 18 months, or in civilian government agencies, but for 21 months. In most cases, conscripts undergo civilian service within the region of their residence.
In reality, it is very difficult to achieve a replacement of military service with an “alternative” one. In the first half of 2024, for example, only 2,022 conscripts received it.
9) What are the ways to avoid being conscripted into the army and to the front? We know that there is an organisation called ‘Idite lesom’ that helps.
Previously, there was a rule that a draft notice was considered officially delivered if it was handed over to the conscript in person and against signature. In those conditions, the main method of evasion was not receiving the draft notice. Many tried to obtain an exemption from military service for medical reasons.
Now the situation has changed. Now draft notices are issued electronically, through a special website. And it is very difficult to get an exemption from the army due to illness: more and more often they report about completely unhealthy people being called up to the army.
But Russia is big. Therefore, the most common way is still to move to another region, to change one’s place of residence. Some people manage to go abroad. But now the authorities are taking measures to make such opportunities as difficult as possible (by compiling a single electronic list of conscripts who have received draft notices).
We are not personally acquainted with the activists of “Idite Lesom”. We know that this group exists and helps conscripts change their place of residence, leave the country, desert, and so on. The authorities have declared this group a “foreign agent”.
10) The anti-war protests from the beginning of the war are no longer heard of. Are there any? How strong is the persecution of these manifestations? How many people are in prison or awaiting trial?
To be fair, it should be said from the very beginning that not all of those who protested were against the war and all the warring parties. Many of them were for the Ukrainian state. And this is not at all the same as being against war as such. One way or another, after the adoption of new repressive laws and the tightening of repression, the wave of open and public protests began to subside. Such protests (not only on the topic of war, but in general) in today’s Russian state are, as a rule, completely impossible. To hold any non-governmental public event, you need to obtain permission, and it is almost never granted if the issue in any way affects the interests of the authorities. Interestingly, in Moscow and some other cities, the refusal to grant permission is motivated by safety measures against COVID, although this does not prevent official mass events from being held. An unauthorised public event can result in a fine or even imprisonment. The exact number of people arrested, tried, and imprisoned for criticising the government in connection with the war (in one form or another) is unknown. It is sometimes difficult to separate one reason for the repression from another.
Human rights activists cite the following figures. In total, from February 24, 2022 to February 17, 2025, 20,081 people were detained in connection with criticism of the war (in various forms and for various reasons). Currently, most people are arrested not for public actions, but for what they wrote on social networks. In addition, 46 people were detained during protests by women relatives of those mobilised who were holding protests to have them released home. The number of people prosecuted for criticising the war politics, from February 24, 2022 to February 17, 2025, was 1,185. As of 2025, February 17, – 913 people were under criminal prosecution, of whom 372 were in places of imprisonment. And one of the leaders of the liberal opposition, Grigory Yavlinsky, spoke in June about approximately 1,000 political prisoners (not only in connection with the war).
11) What is your prognosis for how the war will develop? How will the conflict end and how long will it last?
Alas, we are not prophets! Today we see that both warring states do not really want to stop the fighting, but justify their reluctance with various excuses. At the same time, such powers as the US, EU countries or China are actually only fueling the conflict, strengthening the parties in their irreconcilable position. War is too profitable for capital, the military-industrial complex, producers of arms and politicians who, under the cover of the arms race, continue to attack the working class and social achievements. And at the same time, it is becoming increasingly clear that the war, despite the monstrous casualties, has reached a dead end from which there is no way out.
Of course, the working people of Russia and Ukraine could put an end to this war by means of class war if they organised themselves and took their fate into their own hands. But it seems to be a some way to that… And this is not an automatic process. This makes the daily anti-military position and activity all the more important.
12) Thank you for the interview. What would you say in conclusion to our readers in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, and possibly to compatriots living abroad?
We can only ask people all over the world, including in your countries, not to forget about the war in Eastern Europe. It is a shame when tens of thousands of people taking part in pro-Palestinian demonstrations, but there are virtually no demonstrations against the military conflict that is taking place here. Where are the protest rallies at the embassies of the warring states, at the government institutions of the countries that support this war? At times it seems to us that we have all been given up on, that we have been forgotten. We wish it were different.
As for the citizens of Russia and Ukraine who found themselves abroad… We have nothing to say to the oligarchs, the bourgeoisie or the politicians who are waiting for their “hour after”. And to the working people we would like to convey our advice: do not give in to the nationalistic and militaristic propaganda of governments and patriots. Realise that your enemies are not the same working people on the other side of the front line, but capital and all states. Understand that the boundaries do not run between “peoples” and “nations”, but between the upper and lower classes. This is what we should all remember!